Dr. Sann Aung
MP-elect,
Member of NCGUB
October 16, 2008
General Situation of
In our country, there is no rule of law. What comes out of the mouths of generals becomes law and is acted upon by spineless cohorts. This is the best culture for crime and chaos to flourish. Drug cartels and crime syndicates prosper most under the military despots. The self-seeking military junta is the sole cause of chaos and civil war in
Across my country, people continued to be subjected to severe and prevalent human rights violations. All such abuses ensure that all avenues of opposition to military rule are suppressed, and that the people are left atomized, uninformed and unable to organize so they are more easily monitored, controlled and exploited.
In non-Burman ethnic areas, the regime continues to mount military offensives deliberately targeting civilian communities. These offensives are usually accompanied by severe and systematic abuses including forced labour, forced relocation, land confiscation, rapes, tortures and killings, leading to renewed waves of internally displaced people and bringing new refugees into neighbor countries.
The regime's pursuance of draconian policies has led to a severe economic and social decline.
Although the regime is getting an estimated US$ 150 million a month, it does not spend for the people. Every year, the regime spends $1.10 per citizen on education and 40¢ on healthcare, compared to $400 for each soldier. As a result,
One-third of
All these factors have contributed to exodus of people out of country. When
The UN and international institutions have warned that
Former UN Humanitarian Coordinator to
Cyclone Nargis
In May, Cyclone Nargis hit
Even under such circumstances, the military junta has done very little to help the people. Although it receives an estimated US$ 150 million a month in revenues from gas exports, it earmarked just five million US dollars to spend for the victims. Only at the later stage, it extended the figure to fifty millions. People without shelter or food in most of the remote areas were just left helpless in the monsoon rain where the people were take care by the local donors, volunteers and foreign NGOs. There are grave concerns for poor farmers who have no capital at all to revive their livelihood.
The military has been known for restricting free access and curtailing the independent activities of international humanitarian aid workers, for the political manipulation of aid, for imposing forced labour and forced relocation of the victims, and for arrests of Burmese social activists who extended help to victims of cyclone Nargis. International aid organizations continue to be hindered in their work within
There are reports about the international aid embezzlements by the authorities. In July, the UN reported that it had lost some $US10 million due to the regime's currency conversions. While this amount was later decreased, there are persistent claims that
Up until now, only some $US240 million had been received, against a needed budget estimated at $US482 million. The apparent unwillingness to provide funds is a direct result of a dire lack of confidence among donors as to the end use of the monies. The regime’s failure to improve free access to the cyclone affected areas by international media and to guarantee transparency and accountability in the management of international aid are the central reasons for the blocked aid flows.
It is needed for all donors to continue to provide assistance directly to affected communities and ensure the involvement of community at all stages in the management of relief, including decision making and feedback on quality of the relief and recovery efforts. It is imperative to establish an Independent Complaint Handling Mechanism to ensure accountability and international media should have free access to the cyclone affected areas to cover the relief and recovery efforts on the ground. The human rights of victims should not be overlooked and all actors involved should adhere to international operational guidelines on human rights and natural disasters in the implementation of relief, recovery and reconstruction in cyclone effected areas.
We foresee even greater political instability in the coming months as people are bound to be frustrated with the worsening socioeconomic crisis caused by the effect of cyclone Nargis and the regime's lack of regard for human suffering.
Political Situation
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the democratic and ethnic leaders are not calling for abrupt regime change but rather a negotiated political settlement taking into account the Burmese military's role. In February 2006, the NLD offered a transition plan which would recognize the military junta as a de jure government for a transitional period that would be legitimized by the parliament elected in 1990. Also in August, 2007, 92 elected members of parliament proposed an alternative road map offering the regime a significant role in the constitution-drafting and transition processes along with elected NLD and ethnic members of parliament. They also strongly called for more efforts of UN and international community.
"Everything is negotiable," Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has said. The arrogant generals with diplomatic protection by neighboring countries led by China simply turned down all the proposals.
Burma gained the spotlight in world news in September 2007 when the peaceful demonstrations led by Buddhist monks made the world keenly aware of the blatant violation of human rights by the military junta and the rapid deteriorating situation in Burma which could result in instability and an explosive humanitarian crisis. More than 6000 including 1400 monks were arrested. At least 700 of them were still detained as the year ended.
In 2007 October, the UN Security Council made a statement on Burma calling the regime for full cooperation with the UN Special Envoy; for release of political prisoners and to undergo genuine, inclusive dialogue and national reconciliation process with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and ethnic nationalities, with the support of the UN and; for addressing political, economic, human rights and humanitarian issues faced in Burma.
Due to high international pressure at that time, Senior General Than Shwe himself had given the assurance that he would talk with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi if she abandoned her opposition to the regime. A liaison officer was appointed to have talks with her. But as the officer met her only five times since 2007 October with no apparent positive progress, it became evident that this was meant only for time-buying.
On the other hand, the regime accelerated political persecutions, repression on the ordinary people and military operations in ethnic minority areas. The crack-down on political and social activists become more severe and brute. In many areas, the authorities used vigilante and thugs to harass, threaten, physically assault, arrest and detain the activists.
In 2008, the regime arrested more than 406 dissidents, including 23 monks, 139 NLD members, 4 members of parliament and 13 journalists and artists. More than 80 were sentenced to jail. Among them, 127 were arrested for opposing the constitutional referendum in May and 17 activists for delivering aid to cyclone Nargis survivors. Currently, over 2123 political prisoners including 208 monks and 18 members of parliament are in jail, nearly double increase from 1192 political prisoners in June 2007. In 2008 alone, 46 prisoners including 3 political prisoners died in custody. Since 1988, 138 political prisoners died in custody.
Many were given harsh prison terms. For example, Khun Tun Oo, a member of parliament was sentenced to 93 years. Another member of parliament, Kyaw Min, a Muslim, was sentenced to 47 years for contact with outside opposition. His wife and two children were also sentenced to 17 years each.
Daw Aung Sun Suu Kyi was detained since May 2003 after the state-sponsored attack on her entourage. She was now in detention for more than 14 years in total. In May 2008, the military extended her detention for another one year even against its own law and rules.
In September, just before the start of annual UN General Assembly, aiming to reduce the international pressure, the regime released 9,002 prisoners but only 10 among them were the political prisoners. One political prisoner was rearrested one day after release. On the other hand, in September 2008 alone, 67 activists including 9 monks and 3 members of parliament were arrested.
Despite the relentless crackdown against dissidence and politicians, I am proud to say that the movement for democracy remains active both inside and outside Burma. In Burma, political activities are taking place every day by monks, ethnic leaders, politicians, students, social workers, human rights defenders, workers and etc. People are trying to expand the very limited political space they have. In other words, aspiration for democracy is alive and growing stronger.
Regime’s Road Map
On the other hand, the regime has relentlessly speeded up its unilateral road map to legitimize military rule. The democratically elected political parties and ethnic leaders continued to be excluded from the process and the generals ignored calls to make its roadmap more open and democratic.
When it felt the international pressure and attention was reduced enough, the regime finished the draft constitution unilaterally without taking into account the views and desire of the people and then approved it in the sham referendum in May 2008 in the aftermath of the Cyclone Nargis while millions of people were severely devastated and helpless. The regime claimed that its constitution was approved by 92% of the voters.
Over 127 people were arrested for their campaign to vote against constitution. Here, I would like to mention an example of the regime’s bruteness. Even two months after the referendum, on July 7, seven people were shot dead in Phekhone Township in Karenni state when the troops found a campaign pamphlet against the constitution near their houses.
The regime also snubbed the UN Special Envoy in his visit in March and turned down all prior requests made by the UN Security Council and the UN Secretary General. He has already visited Burma six times without any apparent progress.
Obviously, the regime’s strategy is to provide some sham concession to reduce the international pressure or concern and after achieving it, to resume imposing its roadmap and constitution that guarantees the military domination in the future political life of Burma.
Now, the regime is preparing for general elections in 2010, excluding Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from all these processes. It will only deepen the frustrations of the people and lead to direct political confrontation, social unrest, armed insurrection of ethnic nationalities and instability of the country. In this context, the regime’s seven-step roadmap is no longer relevant.
The proper way to achieve the national reconciliation and democracy is to release political prisoners including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and then to have a meaningful and time-bound dialogue with her and leaders of the ethnic nationalities.
We would, therefore, like to request the international community to send clear messages to the regime that the constitution is not legitimate and the referendum is a sham and that the seven-step roadmap is no longer relevant, and also to maximize concerted efforts to push the military regime to release political prisoners including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and start substantive dialogue with her and the ethnic representatives immediately for a negotiated political settlement within a specific time-frame.
ASEAN and the Region
Engagement with the junta has been called for and followed by many countries including ASEAN, China and Japan. The military responded by snubbing the ASEAN chairman when he visited Burma in 2006; by killing Japanese reporter Mr. Nagai at close range during the monks’ demonstrations; and by ignoring Japan’s demand to have a proper investigation. It is clear that all this has resulted in more stubbornness, more political clampdown and, of course, more human rights violations and repression on its own people.
The regime is now ignoring calls from ASEAN leaders to include democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in the proposed elections in 2010. If ASEAN goes along with such an illegitimate process, it risks undermining its own credibility.
It is time for the regional countries to initiate a stronger and more concerted regional and international effort for democratic transition in Burma. But not through the unconditional engagement which has proved to be an utter failure.
RECOMMENDATIONS TO THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY
As the military regime has stubbornly refused to comply with the international community’s call for substantive steps for national reconciliation and democratic transition when the socioeconomic and political conditions are rapidly deteriorating, there is an urgent need for the international community’s stronger and more concerted efforts.
We call on the international community to:
* Publicly announce that any political outcome based on the constitution which is written unilaterally and approved by SPDC’s sham referendum is unacceptable
* Refrain from supporting the regime's roadmap and the 2010 elections
* Urge the military regime to initiate a process that involves the full participation of the opposition and ethnic groups so that national reconciliation and stability can be restored in Burma. The process should begin by the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and political prisoners and the initiation of substantial time-bound dialogue with all political stakeholders
* Increase the critical engagement with the military regime
* Intensify diplomatic engagement and effective coordination among the United Nations, the European Union, US, China, India and ASEAN to develop a coordinated strategy for speedy democratic reforms in Burma
* Call on all UN Security Council members to pass a binding resolution in support of the recommendations made in the presidential statement of October 2007.
* Fully support the UN Secretary General's good offices mission to help the transition to democracy in Burma and call on the military regime to fully cooperate with the UN Special Envoy.
* Actively support further actions by the UN Human Rights Council on Burma and the adoption of strong resolutions at the UN General Assembly.
* Increase economic pressure targeting the regime and its cronies
* Increase humanitarian assistance to the people of Burma. While assistance is delivered cross-border to refugees and internally displaced persons, needy people inside the country can be assisted through credible international NGOs and informal civil society groups.
* Increase support to the democratic forces in strengthening their efforts for the restoration of democratic governance, national reconciliation and civil society in Burma.
ေရႊႀတိဂံ ေဒသအတြင္း ဘိန္းထုတ္လုပ္မႈ
တရားမဲ့ ရက္စက္ၾကမ္းတမ္းၿပီးပ်င္းရိၿငီးေငြ႔ဖြယ္
