Jade and gem sale earns Myanmar $175 million

YANGON, Myanmar (AP) — Myanmar has earned more than $175 million (130 million euros) from its latest government-sponsored sale of gems, despite a U.S. ban on their import, an official said Friday.

Most of the revenue from the 13-day auction that ended Thursday was earned from the sales of jade, which fetched more than $172 million (128 million euros).

Gemstones and pearls were the other items offered.

An organizer of the gems emporium, speaking on condition of anonymity because he is not authorized to release information, said 2,648 gem merchants participated from nearly a dozen countries, including China, Thailand, Japan and Canada.

In July, President Bush signed legislation banning the import of gems from Myanmar, which already was the voluntary policy of retailers like Tiffany's and Bulgari.

It is one of several economic sanctions Washington has applied to Myanmar's military government because of its poor human rights record and failure to hand over power to a democratically elected government.

U.S. officials said at that time that Myanmar has been evading earlier gem-targeting sanctions by laundering stones in other countries before they are shipped to the United States.

Myanmar gem sellers say the sanctions have very little impact on their business because they rely on Chinese and Thai gem merchants, who are the major buyers.

The largest contingent at this latest sale was the more than 2,200 gem merchants from China, which is the main market for Myanmar jade. The second largest contingent of more than 70 gem merchants were Thais, who usually dominate the gems and jewelry bidding.

Due to U.S. economic sanctions imposed on Myanmar in July 2003, which froze all U.S. dollar remittances to the country, international business transactions including the gem sales are done in euros.

Organized by the Mines Ministry, the events are major revenue earners for Myanmar — one of the biggest jade and gem producing countries in the world. Myanmar has held gem emporiums since 1964, and organizers launched a midyear sale in 1992.

RUSSIA-BURMA NUCLEAR INTELLIGENCE REPORT

By Roland Watson
August 7, 2008

We have received additional intelligence that expands our last report, and which also provides confirmation for earlier reports. This intelligence comes from new sources. In summary, as we continue to receive information, the details of the SPDC’s nuclear program are becoming more and more concrete.

Nuclear program objective

In May 2001, at the National Defence College (Rangoon), SPDC Science and Technology Minister U Thaung said that Burma would make an effort to possess nuclear weapons by 2020. Once achieved, this would make the regime the strongest military power in Southeast Asia; the country would be transformed into the “Fourth Burman Empire”; and, it would be able to threaten Thailand militarily.

This statement reveals the SPDC to be a grave threat to international security and peace. The regime's announcement that its new 10 MW reactor is intended for peaceful research purposes is a lie.

Program background

The SPDC’s program to acquire nuclear weapons began in 1990. (At this time the junta was known as SLORC.) Rangoon University Physics Professor U Po Saw was consulted about developing the technology, and also the selection of candidates to become state scholars. The process of honing cadet officers for training in nuclear technology was begun in 1997 with Defense Services Academy Class 42.

Prior to 2000, Russian nuclear experts were invited and discussions on building a reactor, its location, and the training of state scholars, were held.

Our sources also tell us that the junta first contacted India to obtain nuclear technology. The country agreed to accept state scholars. However, since India also stipulated that it had to supervise and control the operation of the reactor, this approach was halted.

With the help of China, the SPDC succeeded in reaching its agreement with Russia. In addition, the Chinese government has advised the junta that it should try, by various means, to make nuclear weapons and, if it cannot produce them by its target date of 2020, that it should buy them.

In 2003, the regime sent thirty military officers to North Korea to study reactor technology. In 2006, it started buying from the North the machinery necessary for reactor construction. The SPDC established its connection with North Korea so it would not have to stop the program if its relations with Russia turned sour.

The SPDC sells natural resources to obtain nuclear technology, including for the costs of educating the state scholars (a new source confirms that there are over 4,600 in Russia alone). We have also learned that the resource sales included 20,000 tons of iron ore mined in Ka-thaing Taung, a range in the Hpakan area in Kachin State (near the famous jade mines). But, and as has been reported by others, the junta did experience financial problems in 2005 and its program with Russia was suspended. These difficulties were overcome, the program was restarted, and the SPDC is now financially secure. (The reason for this change of fortune is obvious. According to the new U.S. Burma law: “The Congressional Research Service estimates that the Yadana pipeline provides at least $500,000,000 in annual revenue for the Burmese Government.”)

Our new sources further tell us that the SPDC has secretly tried to gain assistance from Iran. This confirms a relationship that we have previously heard about from other sources.

Further, in 2000, Japan started taking scholars for doctoral level studies, to operate a reactor. With the help of Japan, new departments of nuclear science have been set up at Rangoon University, Mandalay University, and the Defense Services Academy.

Training in Russia

In 2001, the first batch of scholars, 150 military officers, was sent to Russia from Tada U Airport on chartered Aeroflot flights.

In Russia, the scholars attend a variety of institutes in Moscow and also St.Petersburg, depending on their subjects of study. The schools include:

MEPHI – Moscow Engineering Physics Institute
MIET – Moscow Institute of Electronic Technology
MATI – Moscow Institute of Aviation Technology
MAI – Moscow Aviation Institute
BMSTU – Bauman Moscow State Technical University
MITT – Moscow Institute of Thermal Technology
MISI – Moscow Civil Engineering Institute
MSMU – Moscow State Mining University

MEPHI teaches nuclear science, MIET rocket guidance, MAI aircraft and space subjects, and MATI the technology for building rockets to carry satellites. There are also course programs in tunneling, uranium mining, and uranium ore refining.

Our new sources confirm that many of the scholars are unhappy. They were forced to go to Russia; their pay is too low; the harsh weather has caused them problems; and the medical care they receive is inadequate. They complained to the Burma Embassy in Moscow, and asked to be sent home. In response, the Directorate of Intelligence sent weekly instructions urging them to complete their work and to fulfill the national aim (to produce nuclear weapons). At one point former Foreign Minister U Win Aung came in person and told the students to finish their studies. He relayed a message from Vice Chief of Staff Maung Aye that anyone who married a Russian woman scientist and then returned to Burma would be rewarded.

Also, in 2002, Quartermaster General Win Myint as well as the Navy Chief, Air Chief and Transport Minister went to Russia and arranged for the training of twenty Air Force pilots, who would then take ten purchased MIG 29s back to Burma. They additionally discussed whether Burma should acquire aircraft carriers and submarines. In July 2002, Science and Technology Minister U Thaung went to Russia and signed the agreement for the acquisition and construction of the nuclear reactor.

Reactor Location

In our previous report we stated that the site of the reactor is Kyauk Pa Toe (aka Kyauk Pha Htoe), near Tha Beik Kyin. While we do not yet have a confirmation of this, we have received additional information about the SPDC’s efforts to keep its location secret.

Even the technicians who were trained to build the reactor were not allowed to know its site. In June 2006, there was an information leak, and the officers for the program were called to Naypyidaw and interrogated. This is apparently a reference to the information that was published by Bertil Lintner in a July 2006 Asia Times article, which said that North Korean technicians had been seen at Natmauk, a town to the east of Magwe.

We have now learned that a 10-megawatt reactor was being built (or was intended to be built) in Myaing Township, Magwe Division, and further that it was to use heavy water and, for that reason, that it would be able to produce plutonium.

This leaves us with two plausible reactor sites, Myaing Township and Kyauk Pa Toe. One scenario that could explain this discrepancy is that the SPDC’s original plan was to locate the reactor in Magwe, but that this subsequently changed, perhaps because, as The Irrawaddy reported, it is an earthquake zone. In any case, while Magwe remains a possibility, there is also a strong source identification for Tha Beik Kyin.

Uranium activities

We have received additional information about Burma’s uranium deposits, which helps confirm our prior reports. Uranium ore that is commercially exploitable exists in the Kyauk Pyon, Paungpyin and Kyauk Sin areas. In addition, uranium prospecting has occurred or is underway in southern Tenasserim, Karenni State (the Loikaw area), Moehnyin in Kachin State, and in areas west of Taunggyi.

Uranium milling is in progress at Tha Beik Kyin. Further, and as we speculated in our last report, we have received information that a program to enrich milled uranium (yellowcake) to U-235 has also begun at Tha Beik Kyin. The entire operation at this location is now referred to as Nuclear Battalion-1.

We have also had confirmed that in early 2006, yellowcake was sold to North Korea. In July 2006, the regime purchased from North Korea nuclear activation equipment for use in uranium enrichment and also for the production of plutonium. While we do not know the precise nature of this equipment, there is a good probability, given the other information, that it includes centrifuges. At least one North Korean nuclear expert is now working in Tha Beik Kyin.

We further have confirmation that a related Military Research Center was built in the Setkhya range (aka Sa Kyin) near Lun Kyaw, which area is also reportedly a Nuclear Battalion, and that there is a Civilian Research Center in Kyaukse Township. There are also Russian nuclear experts in Pyin U Lwin, who give refresher courses to the state scholars after they return home.

Military modernization and Napyidaw defense

The SPDC has made a great effort to purchase major weapons systems and to modernize its armed forces. We can now report the following significant acquisitions.

In 2002, the junta bought 122 mm howitzers from North Korea. From China Northern Industries Corporation, it bought fifteen large radars for air force use. These radars were installed at Mingaladon Air Force base; Namsan Air Force base; the radar base at the top of Nat-ye-gan Mountain in Ann Township; Hainggyi Island radar base; and Koko Island radar base. Moreover, for sea and coastal security the regime installed naval-use radars, on Pyin Wain, Take Soon and Ta-pin-hmaw islands in the Irrawaddy Division; on Kyun Thaya, Mayu, Man-aung and Nantha islands in Arakan State; and on eight islands in Tenasserim Division. In 2002, it also bought, from Russia, ten MIG-29s; as well as, in February 2005, missile launchers and trucks; and, in November 2006, 122 mm and 240 mm missiles.

Naval officers are enrolled in training courses in India and Russia. In India, they attend a Ship Simulator Course, and in Russia Anti-Ship Firing and Missile courses. From September 2007, the SPDC started to buy twenty-eight anti-ship missile carriers, in batches, and the related missiles. India together with China are also both selling and giving weapons to Burma. In 2007, India gave 76 mm and 75 mm mountain batteries and 120 mm anti-aircraft batteries, for ten anti-aircraft battalions.

Before 2000, there were only two artillery divisions in Burma. By 2004, the heavy weapons force had been expanded to ten artillery divisions and one rocket division.

Since the move of the military headquarters to Pyinmana, fiber optic cables have been used to communicate with the regional commands. A Wide Area Network (WAN) is used to connect strategic locations including the defense perimeter of Naypyidaw, the radar bases in Rangoon Division, the air force bases, the naval bases, etc. In addition, for the defense of Pyinmana, the ten battalions of MOC 6 are posted in the area. An anti-aircraft battalion is stationed at Taung Nyo in the Pegu Yoma range, another anti-aircraft battalion is to the east of Wegyi and Thawutti, and a number of anti-aircraft missiles are based in Pyinmana itself. For additional security for Naypyidaw, two armored battalions are stationed between Pyawbwe and Pyinmana towns, and three artillery battalions and the No. 901 Artillery Operation Command are in the Bawnetgyi-Payagyi area, in Pegu Division.

For signal communications security, the SPCD is developing its own wireless systems. Prior to 2006, XD-D6M machines were used. They could generate wavelengths of from .01 to 99 meters, and the signal could be intercepted easily. For that reason, the SPDC instructed the Armed Forces Main Communications Factory to produce new devices. In 2006, the factory created a new wireless device, with Chinese technical assistance, and it was tentatively named 2006M1. The new machines produce wavelengths of from .00001 to .00009 meters. It is reportedly quite difficult to intercept messages sent over the new machines.

The SPDC is also developing computer software to replace the manual firing programs for the 76 mm and 120 mm artillery, mortars, 25 Pounder and 105 mm howitzers, etc. There has also been software research for forward observation systems both from the ground and the air.

The defense industry factories No. 16 and 19 have been extensively modified so that they may produce spare parts. (Chinese and Russian weapons are notorious for regularly needing replacement parts, and the weapons also wear out more quickly in the tropics.) The SPDC had Chinese and North Korean experts modify factory No. 14 so that it is able to produce medium-range rockets. Construction of factory No. 14 was started in 2000 in Ngapeh Township of Magwe Division and it is believed to be in operation. Approximately 3,000 military engineers are working in the factory. (Note: Our last report estimated that it would be five years before the SPDC could produce medium-range rockets, but it referred to Russian-made guided rockets, so this could be a separate project.)

Conclusion

The fact that the SPDC is aggressively seeking nuclear weapons (not to mention all of its other programs) should make the leaders of Thailand, and the world, extremely concerned. The appeasement policy of the Thai government and the International Community towards the junta must be reversed. The SPDC is a threat of the greatest severity. It must be stopped. Since the Security Council, with Russian and Chinese vetoes, is unable to act, there must be an alternative solution. The only real options are for the U.S., either alone or with other concerned nations (Thailand?), to assist the people of the country to free themselves, using whatever means are required.

At the moment, though, there is a conspiracy of silence even to acknowledge this threat. Thailand, the U.S. and other nations are preoccupied with other problems. There is no desire to recognize publicly another new crisis. We therefore must force the issue.

We at Dictator Watch recognize the need for the media to confirm its sources and to only publish news after it has been verified. But, we also understand that there is such a thing as investigative journalism. For situations as serious as this, we are surprised that there are apparently not major investigations underway, by leading media outlets. After all, there are innumerable dissatisfied people inside the SPDC, including many who should have knowledge of the intelligence that we have revealed. It should not be that difficult to secure independent confirmation.

Our reports to date have served to alert the Burmese, NGO and intelligence communities, but because there has been no major media coverage the world at large is as yet uninformed. Most importantly, this lack of coverage means that political leaders, in Thailand, the U.S., at the U.N., etc., can continue to act as if there is not a problem.

The fact that the new U.S. Burma law requires the Secretary of State to prepare a report on the SPDC’s programs for weapons of mass destruction is a good start, and something to which we would be pleased to contribute. However, a threat of this severity requires more than a report.

က်ားရဲ(ဦးဝင္းတင္၏ေထာင္တြင္းခံစားမႈကဗ်ာ)

ေနျပင္းလွ်င္

ႏွင္းမႈန္လည္း

ေစြ႔ေစြ႔ခုန္ အိုက္လိုအိုက္

ခိုက္ခိုက္တုန္ ခ်မ္းလိုခ်မ္း

အခန္းက်ဥ္းက်ဥ္း

အလင္းမ၀င္ ….. ေလမ၀င္

ေနမျမင္ ….. လမျမင္

လူမျမင္ ….. သူမျမင္မွာ

ထိုင္လွ်င္ထိုင္ ….. မထိုင္လွ်င္ေငး

အိပ္လွ်င္အိပ္ ….. မအိပ္လွ်င္ေတြး

သတင္းေမးဖို ့့ေ၀းေရာ ….. သီခ်င္းေလးမွ မဆိုရ

စါဖတ္ဖို ့ေ၀းေရာ…..ကဗ်ာေလးမွ မစပ္ရ

တရားေဟာဖို ့ေ၀းေရာ ….. စကားေလးမွ မေၿပာရ

အေဟာသိက ….. သံသရာ

ငါ့ကမ ၻာ ပိစိေကြး

အခန္းက်ဥ္းကေလး ….. ပတ္ေလွ်ာက္လိုက္

သံတခါး၀ ….. ရပ္လိုက္

တမတ္တပ္တပ္ ….. တေနကုန္။ ။

မေန ့ကလည္း ….. တေနကုန္

ဒီေန ့လည္း…..တေနကုန္

မနက္ျဖန္လည္း ….. ကုန္အံုးမယ္

ကုန္….. ကုန္….. ကုန္….

ကုန္ခ်င္သေလာက္ကုန္စမ္း..

တရက္ကုန္မလား ….. တသက္ကုန္မလား

တလကုန္မလား ….. တဘ၀ကုန္ မလား

တႏွစ္ကုန္မလား ….. တေခတ္ကုန္မလား

အားမေလွ်ာ့ဘူး ….. မေပ်ာ့ဘူး

ေပျဖစ္ေတာ့ခံမယ္ ..… တူုျဖစ္ေတာ့ ႏွံမယ္

အမွန္တရား ….. တို႔ဖက္မွာ႐ိွတယ္

ၿပည္သူအမ်ား ….. တို႔ဖက္မွာ႐ိွတယ္

ကာလယႏ ၱား ….. တို႔ဖက္မွာ႐ိွတယ္

႐ွင္ေတာ္ဘုရား ….. တို႔ဖက္မွာ႐ိွတယ္

သိၾကရဲ႔လား။ ။

တိရိစ ၦာန္႐ံု က က်ားလို ..… ေလွာင္အိမ္ထဲမွာ

တလြန္႔လြန္႔နဲ ့

က်ားၫြန္႔တံုးမယ္ ထင္ေနသလား …

မွားလိုက္တဲ့အျမင္ ..… ဟားတိုက္လို႔ ရီခ်င္စရာ။ ။

မွတ္ထားေဟ့….

အ၀ါေပၚမွာ … အနက္စင္း…

မပ်က္မယြင္း …. ကြက္ကြက္ကြင္း …

အ႐ွင္းသား မလြဲသေရြ႕

အထင္းသားစြဲ သေရြ႕

က်ားရဲဟာ က်ားရဲ

ငါလည္း….

အဲဒီလိုပဲကြ….. ေဟ။ ။

[ ဦး၀င္းတင္ (ဟံသာ၀တီ) ေထာင္ထဲတြင္ေရးဖြဲ႔ခဲ႔ေသာကဗ်ာ ]

Writers Project Fellow Thida Speaks and Writes of Oppression in Burma

Ma Thida

October 17, 2008

Ma Thida, a Burmese author/doctor, explored the intersections of her life and Burmese post-colonial politics during a lecture on Thursday.

Thida, this year’s International Writers Project fellow at Brown, also gave a reading from her short story "Waiting." The story is based on the lives of one of her fellow political dissidents and his wife, both of whom long to meet each other in the open air. (A segment of her reading is available below.)

Thida first became involved in opposition politics as a medic and a reporter, following the Burmese student protests of the late eighties. In 1993, after the publication of her novel Sunflower, she was arrested and sentenced to 20 years in prison.

During Thida’s time in prison, her release became an international cause and she remembers joyfully the celebration of her 29th birthday at an international women's conference. In prison, Thida accumulated numerous medical problems, she said, so that many people thought she would not survive her sentence.

Released early in 1999, she has spent the last decade working on various media projects and running her non-profit clinics.

Thida has been active on campus since arriving this fall, giving talks and readings – particularly marking the recent one-year anniversary of the violent crackdown on peaceful protests in her home country.

By Watson Student Rapporteur Brenna Carmody '09

DVBသတင္းမ်ား

ျမန္မာျပည္ စာနယ္ဇင္းေလာကႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ သတင္းစာဆရာႀကီး ဦးဝင္းတင္ႏွင့္ ေတြ႕ဆံုျခင္း

လက္ရွိ ျမန္မာျပည္စာနယ္ဇင္းေလာက ဖိႏွိပ္ခံရမႈႏွင့္ ယခင္စာနယ္ဇင္းေလာက အေျခအေနကြာျခားခ်က္မ်ား၊ မီဒီယာ၏ အခန္းက႑ အေရးပါပံုတို႔ကို ဧရာဝတီမဂၢဇင္းက သတင္းစာဆရာႀကီး ဦးဝင္းတင္အား ေမးျမန္း၍ ေဖာ္ျပလိုက္ပါသည္။

ဦးဝင္းတင္ (ဓာတ္ပုံ - ျမတ္မိုးေမာင္)

ေမး။ ။ အက္ရွင္တိုင္းမ္စ္ဆိုတဲ့ ျပည္တြင္းထုတ္ ဂ်ာနယ္တေစာင္မွာ ဆရာ့ အေၾကာင္း တပုိဒ္ပါလို႔ အပိတ္ခံရတယ္ ၾကားတယ္။ အဲဒီေပၚမွာ ဘာေျပာခ်င္ လဲဆရာ။

ေျဖ။ ။ သူတို႔ (အာဏာပိုင္ေတြ) က ရွင္းရွင္းေျပာရရင္ေတာ့ ႀကံဖန္ၿပီး ခ်ဳပ္ခ်ယ္ဖို႔ကို နည္းမ်ိဳးစံုနဲ႔။ တလ ပိတ္မယ္၊ ၂ လပိတ္မယ္ ဆိုတာမ်ိဳး၊ ဒီဟာ လုပ္ျခင္းအားျဖင့္ တျခားလူေတြကိုပါခ်ဳပ္ခ်ယ္ၿပီးျဖစ္သြားတယ္ ဆိုတာမ်ိဳး လုပ္ၾကတာပဲဗ်။ ဒါက စာေစာင္တေစာင္ခ်င္းစီကို ပိတ္တာ။ ေနာက္တခုကေတာ့ စာနယ္ဇင္း လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ကို တားျမစ္ထားတယ္ ဆိုတာကို ျပတာ။ ဒီဟာနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္တာကေတာ့ ႀကံဳေနရမွာပဲ။ ႀကံဳလည္းႀကံဳခဲ့ရတာပါပဲ။

ေမး။ ။ မ ဆ လ ေခတ္မွာ ဆရာသတင္းစာ အယ္ဒီတာလုပ္တုန္းကနဲ႔ ခုနဲ႔ စိစစ္ေရး ကိစၥေတြ၊ သတင္းစာ ေလာကေတြနဲ႔ ဘယ္လိုကြာဟလဲ ေျပာပါဦး။

ေျဖ။ ။ မကြာပါဘူး။ တူတူပါပဲ။ မထူးပါဘူး။ ဒီခ်ိန္မွာစာေစာင္ ၂ ေစာင္ကို ပိတ္တယ္။ မဆလ ေခတ္တုန္းက စာေစာင္ ေတြ အားလံုးပိတ္ပစ္ခဲ့တာပဲ။ ေနာက္တခါ စီးပြားေရးအရ ညစ္တာတို႔ တခုခ်င္း စာနယ္ဇင္း လြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ကို ပိတ္တဲ့ ေနရာမွာေတာ့ သီးျခား လုပ္ေဆာင္မႈေတြ မတူေပမယ့္ မ်က္စိပိတ္ နားပိတ္ေအာင္ လုပ္ထားတာကေတာ့ ဦးတည္ခ်က္က ဘာမွ မကြာဘူး။ က်ေနာ္ေျပာခ်င္တာကေတာ့ စာနယ္ဇင္းေတြအေနနဲ႔ ႐ုန္းကန္ရမယ္။ အခ်င္းခ်င္း ညႇိလုပ္တာပဲ ျဖစ္ျဖစ္ တေစာင္ခ်င္းစီပဲ ျဖစ္ျဖစ္ ငံု႔ခံေနတာမ်ိဳး မဟုတ္ဘဲနဲ႔ တတ္ႏိုင္သေလာက္ အေၾကာင္းအရာ တခုခ်င္းစီေပၚမွာ ႐ုန္းကန္မႈ ရွိရမယ္။ အဲလိုပဲ က်ေနာ္က ယူဆတယ္။

က်ေနာ္ကေတာ့ သတင္းစာေတြ မလုပ္ႏို္င္ေတာ့ဘူး။ သတင္းစာက မ်ားမ်ားလုပ္ရတယ္၊ ျမန္ျမန္ လုပ္ရတယ္၊ က်ယ္က်ယ္ လုပ္ရတယ္။ က်ုယ္က်ယ္ လုပ္ရတယ္ ဆိုတာက ေတာေရာ၊ ၿမိဳ႕ေရာ၊ ကမၻာေရာ၊ ျမန္မာေရာ။ စီးပြားေရး၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရး၊ လူမႈ ေရးေတြ လုပ္ရတယ္။ မ်ားမ်ားလုပ္ရမယ္ဆိုတာက အေၾကာင္းအရာ မ်ားႏိုင္သမွ် မ်ားေအာင္ ထည့္ရတယ္၊ စံုႏိုင္သေလာက္ စံုေအာင္ လူမႈဘဝကို လႊမ္းၿခံဳႏိုင္ေအာင္ အဲလိုေပါ့။ ၿပီးေတာ့ ျမန္ျမန္လုပ္ရတယ္။ အရင္ေခတ္ကဆို တယ္လီဖုန္းေလာက္ပဲ ရွိတဲ့ၾကားက ျဖစ္ေအာင္ လုပ္ရတယ္။ ဒီဟာေတြေလာက္ကို က်ေတာ္ မလုပ္ႏိုင္ေတာ့ဘူး။ ခု ဂ်ာနယ္ေတြ ႀကိဳးစားၾကတယ္ ေကာင္းပါတယ္။ မွားၾကတာေတြ ရွိမွာပဲ။ မွားပါေစ။ အေရးမႀကီးပါဘူး။ မွားတယ္ မွန္တယ္ဆိုတာ တေခတ္နဲ႔ တေခတ္ စံခ်င္းမွမတူတာ။ မွားတာကို ဂ႐ုစိုက္စရာမလိုပါဘူး။

တခုပဲ ေဝဖန္ခ်င္တာက ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔မွာ ရုန္းကန္တာနည္းနည္း နည္းတယ္ထင္တယ္ဗ်။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ တုန္းကလည္း ဖိႏွိပ္မႈက အတူတူပဲ။ မထူးဘူး။ ဒီေခတ္မွာ ဖိႏွိပ္ခံရတာလည္း တူတူပဲ မထူးဘူးဗ်။ တခ်ိဳ႕ကထင္ၾကတယ္ ဒီေခတ္မွာမွ ပိုဖိႏွိပ္ခံရတယ္ လုိ႔ … ။ အဲဒါမဟုတ္ဘူး။ တူတူပါပဲ။ သူတို႔မႀကိဳက္တာ တခုခု လုပ္မိရင္၊ ပါလာရင္ ဘယ္ေခတ္ပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ ပိတ္ပစ္တာပဲေလ။ ဖိႏွိပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခ်ယ္မႈက ဒီလိုပဲ ရွိေနမွာပဲ။ အဲဒီၾကားကေန ႐ုန္းကန္ၾကရလိမ့္မယ္။

အဲဒီမွာ က်ေနာ္က ဘာဥပမာ ျပခ်င္လဲဆိုေတာ့ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း ၃၀ ေက်ာ္က ကာတြန္းဆရာေတြကို မိန္႔ခြန္းတခုေျပာ ရတယ္။ အဲဒါေလး ေျပာခ်င္တယ္။ အဲဒီတုန္းက သူတို႔ကို ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔ ကာတြန္းေတြ သိပ္ေကာင္းတယ္ဗ်ာ။ ေရးတာေတြ လည္း ေျပာင္ေျမာက္တယ္ ဒါေပမယ့္ ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔မွာ ငံု႔ခံေနၾကတာေလးေတြ ရွိတယ္။ ဒီလိုေရးလို႔မရရင္ ဟိုလိုေလးလွည့္ ေရးရမယ္။ ဥပမာေျပာရရင္ အဲဒီတုန္းက တိရစၦာန္႐ံုမွာ ကေလးတေယာက္ က်ားကိုက္တယ္ဗ်ာ။ အဲဒီသတင္းကို ထည့္လို႔ မရဘူး။ ဘယ္လိုမွကို ထည့္ခြင့္ မေပးဘူး။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အဲဒီမွာ က်ေနာ္တို႔ အနည္းဆံုးငံု႔မခံဘူးဆိုတာ ျပခ်င္တယ္။ ျဖစ္ခ်င္ ေတာ့ အဲဒီေန႔မွာ ႏိုင္ငံျခား သတင္းတပုဒ္က တိုက္တိုက္ဆိုင္ဝင္လာတယ္။ ျခေသၤ့ကိုက္တဲ့သတင္းဗ်။ အဲဒါကို မ်က္ႏွာဖံုးမွာ အႀကီးႀကီး ထည့္လိုက္တယ္။ ျခေသၤ့နဲ႔ က်ားနဲ႔ကေတာ့ မတူဘူးေပါ့ဗ်ာ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ အာဏာပိုင္ေတြကေတာ့ ဟာ ဒီေကာင္ ေတြ ေရးျပန္ပလား ဆိုတာမ်ိဳးျဖစ္သြားတယ္။ ဒီျခေသၤ့ကိုက္တာကို အေၾကာင္းျပဳၿပီး က်ားကိုက္တဲ့ သတင္းကလည္း လူေတြၾကားထဲမွာ ျပန္႔ေနတယ္။ ဆိုလိုတာက ဂ်ာနယ္လစ္ေတြက အဲဒီပံုစံနဲ႔ေတာ့ လႈပ္ရွား ႏိုင္တယ္။ ႐ုန္းကန္ပါ။ သူတို႔က ဒီလိုမေရးရဘူးဆိုရင္ ရႏိုင္တဲ့နည္းနဲ႔ ေရးပါ။ သူတို႔ကဒီလိုလုပ္ပါဆိုရင္ မလုပ္ႏိုင္ဘူး တနည္းနည္းနဲ႔ လွည့္လုပ္ပါ။

ဟုိေခတ္နဲ႔ ဒီေခတ္ ဖိႏွိပ္ပံု ဖိႏွိပ္နည္း မတူတာပဲရွိတယ္ ဖိႏွိပ္တာကေတာ့ ဖိႏွိပ္တာပါပဲ။ ဂ်ာနယ္ တေစာင္ခ်င္းကို အေရးယူ ပံုခ်င္းေတာ့ တူခ်င္မွတူမယ္။ ဟိုတုန္းကေတာ့ သိမ္းက်ံဳးၿပီး အေရးယူတယ္။ ဒါပဲကြာတယ္။ ခု ဂ်ာနယ္ ေတြ အမ်ားႀကီး ရွိတယ္။ ဘာေတြ ေရးႏိုင္လဲ။ ဘာမွ မေရးႏိုင္ဘူး။ က်ေနာ္တို႔နာမည္ေတြကို လံုးဝေဖ်ာက္ထား ရာကေန အခုနာမည္ေလး ေတြ ပါလာတယ္။ မ်ားမ်ား မသံုးႏိုင္ဘူး။ တခ်ိဳ႕ဂ်ာနယ္ေတြဆို က်ေနာ့္ကို အင္တာဗ်ဴး လုပ္တယ္။ အဲဒါေတြ က်ေနာ္ဖတ္ ရတယ္။ စာေပစိစစ္ေရးကို တင္တဲ့ မူေတြေပါ့။ ဒါပဲဗ်။ ဘာမွမထူးဘူး။

ထူးတာက ႐ုန္းကန္မႈ နည္းတယ္။ က်ေနာ္တို႔ လုပ္ခဲ့တာပဲ။ က်ေနာ္ဟံသာဝတီ သတင္းစာ လုပ္ခဲ့တယ္။ က်ေနာ့္ကို ဖိႏွိပ္ တာက ဒီေခတ္ ဂ်ာနယ္ေတြကို ဖိႏိွပ္တာထက္ ပိုတယ္လည္း မေျပာလိုဘူး လိုတယ္လည္း မေျပာဘူး တူတူပါပဲ။ က်ေနာ့္ အသက္အရြယ္နဲ႔ က်ေနာ့္ရာထူးနဲ႔ ပင္စင္နီးတာနဲ႔ ဒါေတြငဲ့ၿပီး က်ေနာ္ ေအးေအး ေနရင္ ရတာပဲ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ က်ေနာ္မေန ႏိုင္ဘူး တတ္ႏိုင္သေလာက္ ႐ုန္းတယ္။ အဲဒီမွာ သူတို႔မေက်နပ္ဘူး က်ေနာ့္လည္း ျဖဳတ္ပစ္၊ က်ေနာ့္သတင္းစာလည္း ပိတ္ပစ္တာပဲ။

နမူနာေလးတခု ေျပာျပမယ္။ တခါက ဝန္ႀကီးကေနၿပီး အမိန္႔နဲ႔ လာတယ္။ ေပၚလစီလားဘာလားေတာ့မသိဘူးဗ် သတင္း စာမွာ ဘုန္းႀကီးတရားပြဲေတြထည့္ရမယ္တဲ့၊ ရန္ကုန္မွာလည္း ထည့္တယ္။ က်ေနာ္ကမထည့္ဘူးလို႔ မႏၱေလးက ဘုန္းႀကီး ၿမိဳ႕၊ ဟိုဘုန္းႀကီး တရားေဟာတာထည့္ေပး၊ ဒီဘုန္းႀကီးေဟာတာ ထည့္ေပးတာနဲ႔ ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔သတင္းစာ ဘာမွပါရေတာ့မွာ မဟုတ္ဘူး ထည့္ရမွာလားလို႔ေျပာလိုက္ေတာ့မွ ေနာက္ ဝန္ႀကီးကလည္း မထည့္ပါနဲ႔ေတာ့လို႔ ေျပာတယ္။ အဲလိုေပါ့ဗ်ာ။ အဲလိုလုပ္ရတာပဲ။

ေနာက္ ဦးေနဝင္းက တ႐ုတ္ဝန္ႀကီးခ်ဳပ္ ခ်ဴအင္လိုင္း ေသေတာ့ သူ႔မိန္႔ခြန္းကို ေခါင္းႀကီးနဲ႔ မ်က္ႏွာဖံုးမွာ ထည့္ရမယ္လို႔ ေျပာတယ္။ က်ေနာ္ထည့္မယ္ဆို မီတာေပါ့။ က်ေနာ္မထည့္ဘူး။ မႏၱေလးနဲ႔ ရန္ကုန္ အျပန္ျပန္ အလွန္လွန္ ဖုန္းဆက္တယ္။ ထည့္ရမယ္ေပါ့။ က်ေနာ္ကလည္း မထည့္ဘူး တင္းခံေနတယ္။ အဲဒီမွာ ညေန ၄ နာရီ ၅ နာရီျဖစ္လာတယ္။ က်ေနာ္က မ်က္ႏွာဖံုးကို ျပန္ဖ်က္ရေတာ့မွာ မလုပ္ႏုိင္ဘူး။ လုပ္ရင္ ကုန္မယ့္ စာစီခေတြ စာရြက္ဖုိးေတြ ဘယ္လိုလုပ္မလဲ ဆိုေတာ့ သူတို႔က အကုန္ခံမယ္ ထည့္တဲ့။ အဲဒါနဲ႔ က်ေနာ္က ဒါဆို နက္ျဖန္ သတင္းစာ မထုတ္ႏိုင္ဘူးေျပာလိုက္တယ္။ အဲဒီေတာ့မွ ဒါဆိုလည္း မ်က္ႏွာဖံုးမွာ မလုပ္ပါနဲ႔ေတာ့ အတြင္းက စာမ်က္ႏွာ ၃ တို႔ဘာတုိ႔မွာပဲ ထည့္ပါေတာ့ ျဖစ္သြားတယ္။ ႐ုန္းကန္ရတာေတာ့ နည္းနည္း ရွိတာေပါ့ဗ်ာ။

ေမး။ ။ ဖိႏွိပ္ခံရတာ တူတူပဲဆိုရင္ အရည္အေသြးနဲ႔ပတ္သက္လို႔ေကာ ဆရာ့အေနနဲ႔ ဘယ္လိုျမင္ပါသလဲ။ အရင္ေခတ္နဲ႔ အခုေခတ္ ဘယ္လို ကြာျခားလဲ သိခ်င္ပါတယ္။ တိုးတက္လာတာရွိလားေပါ့။

ေျဖ။ ။ ဒါကလည္း ေတာ္ေတာ္ေျပာရခက္တာပဲဗ်။ အရည္အေသြးဆိုတာက ဘယ္ေပၚမွာတည္တာလဲ။ အေၾကာင္းအရာ ေပၚမွာ မူတည္တာလား။ ေခတ္ကာလကိုလိုက္ၿပီး ေျပာင္းလဲေနတဲ့၊ ေရးဖို႔ လိုအပ္တဲ့ အခ်ိန္မွာ အသိဥာဏ္ရွိတဲ့၊ ေရးႏိုင္တဲ့ သူေတြက ေရးတာျဖစ္တဲ့အတြက္ သာတာေတြလည္း ရွိတာပဲဗ်။ ဒီေခတ္မွာလည္း တခ်ိဳ႕လူေတြ ေတာ္ေတာ္ လုပ္ၾကတာ ရွိပါတယ္။ ဒီေခတ္မွာ ေက်ာ္ဝင္းတို႔ဘာတို႔ ေတာ္ေတာ္ လုပ္ႏိုင္တာပဲဗ်။ ေလ်ာ့သြားတယ္၊ ပိုၿပီး ေကာင္းလာတယ္ ဆိုတာ မ်ိဳးေတာ့ မရွိေသးဘူးထင္တယ္ဗ်။ ဒါကေတာ့ ခုခ်က္ခ်င္းေျပာလို႔ ရတဲ့ အေၾကာင္းအရာလည္း မဟုတ္ဘူးဗ်။ ေခတ္ တေခတ္ေက်ာ္သြားတဲ့ အခ်ိန္က်မွ သမိုင္းဝင္ စံတင္ၿပီး က်န္ခဲ့မွသာ ေျပာလို႔ရမယ္ထင္တယ္။

အဲဒါကိုပဲ ေကာင္းတယ္ ဆိုးတယ္ ဆံုးျဖတ္ၾကမွာပဲ။ က်ေနာ္ကေတာ့ အဲဒါနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္လို႔ မေျပာခ်င္ဘူးဗ်။ မလိုဘူးေလ။ သူတို႔လုပ္ေနတာ ေကာင္းတာပဲ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ ဘယ္ေလာက္ေကာင္းတယ္ ဘယ္ေျပာလို႔ရမလဲ။ ဒီေန႔ဆံုးျဖတ္တာလည္း မွန္ခ်င္မွ မွန္မယ္။ ဒီေန႔ ေကာင္းေနေပမယ့္လည္း ေနာက္တေန႔က်ေတာ့ လူေတြက ေမ့သြားရင္ ဘာမွမထူးဘူးဗ်။ ဒါေပမယ့္ တခုေတာ့ ေသခ်ာေျပာလုိ႔ရတယ္။ ဒါကေတာ့ ေခတ္အလုိက္ ေခတ္အလိုက္ လုပ္ေနၾကရမွာပဲ။ ဒီေန႔လုပ္ေနတာေတြက သာမာန္စံအေနနဲ႔ ေျပာမယ္ဆိုရင္ ေခတ္တေခတ္မွာ လုပ္ေနတဲ့ စံအရ မညံ့ဘူးဗ်။ ေဆာင္းပါးေတြ ေကာင္းတယ္ဗ်ာ။ ဗိြဳက္စ္တို႔ဘာတို႔မွာ ေရးေနတဲ့ ပံုစံေတြဆိုရင္ ပညာတတ္လူတန္းစားရဲ႕ အသံမ်ိဳးနဲ႔ အထက္စီးက ေျပာတဲ့ ေလသံမ်ိဳး ေပါက္ခ်င္ ေပါက္ေနမယ္။

ဘယ္ေလာက္ပဲ ဘာေတြ ျဖစ္ေနေန လုပ္ေနတာကေတာ့ ေကာင္းေနတာပဲဗ်။ လူေတြကို အသိဥာဏ္ဖြင့္ေပးတဲ့ ပံုစံမ်ိဳး ေတြလည္း ေတြ႕ေနရပါတယ္။ တခုပဲဗ်။ ပိတ္ခံရလိုက္၊ ေတာ္ၾကာေၾကာက္္သြားလိုက္ ဆိုတာမ်ိဳးမဟုတ္ဘဲ အဲဒီထဲက ေဖာက္ထြက္ၿပီး ေရးႏိုင္ဖို႔ေတာ့လိုမယ္။ ကြာလတီကိုလည္း အဲဒီေပၚမွာ ဆံုးျဖတ္ရမယ္ထင္တယ္။

ေမး။ ။ ျပည္ပက ျမန္မာ မီဒီယာေတြရဲ႕ အခန္းက႑ကိုေကာ ဆရာ ဘယ္လို သံုးသပ္မိပါသလဲ။

ေျဖ။ ။ အဲဒါနဲ႔ ပတ္သက္လို႔ေတာ့ က်ေနာ္သိပ္မသိဘူးဗ်။ ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔ဧရာဝတီေတာင္ (ေထာင္) ေဆး႐ံုမွာ တုန္းက တခါလား ဖတ္ဖူးတယ္။ ဝက္ဘ္ဆိုက္တို႔ဘာတို႔ေတြ က်ေနာ္သိပ္နားမလည္ေတာ့ သိပ္မေျပာခ်င္ဘူး။ သို႔ေသာ္ ဘာပဲ ေျပာေျပာ ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔နဲ႔ အတြင္းနဲ႔ ကြာတဲ့ အခ်က္က ထင္ရွားတဲ့ ထင္ျမင္ခ်က္ ေတြကို ေဖာ္ထုတ္ ႏိုင္တဲ့ အေနအထား ကေတာ့ ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔နဲ႔ သူတို႔ကြာေနတယ္ဗ်။ ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔ကလြတ္ေနတဲ့ သူေတြ ဆိုေတာ့ အတြင္းကလူေတြလို ခ်က္ခ်င္း လာပိတ္လို႔မရဘူး။ ေနာက္တခု အျပင္မွာ ရွိတဲ့သူေတြက ကမၻာ့အျမင္က်ေတာ့ ဆို႔စ္ရယူမႈက်ေတာ့ ျပည္တြင္းထက္ အမ်ားႀကီးသာတယ္။ ဒီ ၂ ခ်က္သာေနတဲ့အတြက္ ဒီမိုကေရစီ အသြင္ ကူးေျပာင္းတဲ့ ေနရာမွာ အမ်ားႀကီး အေထာက္ကူျပဳ မယ္လို႔ ယံုတယ္။ အထဲမွာက ႐ုန္းပါ ဆိုေပမယ့္ ႐ုန္းကန္တဲ့ ေနရာမွာ အခက္အခဲေတြ အမ်ားႀကီး ရွိေနႏိုင္ေသးတယ္။ ဒီေတာ့ ခင္ဗ်ားတို႔ အခန္းက႑က အေရးႀကီးတယ္လို႔ က်ေနာ္ျမင္တယ္။

ေမး။ ။ ဒီမိုကေရစီ လုႈပ္ရွားမႈမွာေကာ မီဒီယာရဲ႕ အခန္းက႑ကို ဆရာ ဘယ္လို သံုးသပ္ပါသလဲ။

ေျဖ။ ။ မီဒီယာရဲ႕အခန္းက႑ကေတာ့ အေရးႀကီးတာေပါ့ဗ်ာ။ ခုမွမဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ မီဒီယာဆိုတာ တိုင္းေရး ျပည္ေရးရာ ကိစၥေတြမွာ အသံတဝက္ဝင္ေျပာတာ၊ တိုင္းျပည္ကို အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္တဲ့ ေနရာမွာ တဝက္ဝင္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္တာ။ တိုင္းျပည္လုပ္ငန္းေတြကို ရွယ္ယာတဝက္ယူထားတဲ့ သေဘာပဲဗ်။ မီဒီယာကို ဘယ္ေတာ့မွ ျငင္းပယ္လို႔၊ မ်က္ကြယ္ျပဳလို႔ မရဘူး။ ဒါကိုေတာ့ ႀကိဳက္ ေသာ္ရွိ၊ မႀကိဳက္ေသာ္ရွိ လက္ခံရမွာပဲဗ်။ သူတို႔ လုပ္ႏိုင္တယ္၊ မလုပ္ႏိုင္ဘူးဆိုတာကတပိုင္းပဲ။ ရွင္းရွင္းေျပာရရင္ ဒီမိုကေရစီအေရးကေတာ့ ပိုျမင့္မားတာေပါ့ဗ်ာ။ ဒီမိုကေရစီ လႈပ္ရွားမႈမွာ မီဒီယာရဲ႕ အခန္းက႑က ပိုၿပီး အေရးပါတာ ေပါ့ဗ်ာ။ အထူးသျဖင့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံလိုမ်ိဳး ပိတ္ထားတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ိဳးမွာ ပိုၿပီးအေရးႀကီးတာေပါ့။ ခုအန္အယ္လ္ဒီ ရပ္တည္ေနႏိုင္ တာ ျပည္ပမွာရွိတဲ့ မီဒီယာအား ေတြေၾကာင့္ေပါ့ဗ်ာ။ ခု က်ေနာ့္ကိစၥဆို အမ်ားႀကီး အသံထြက္သြားတယ္ဗ်ာ။ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့ အႏွစ္ ၂၀ ေလာက္ကဆို ဘယ္ေလာက္ ႀကီးက်ယ္တဲ့သူ ထြက္လာလာ မ်ားမ်ားစားစား မပါႏိုင္ဘူးဗ်။ ခုက်ေတာ့ အမ်ားႀကီး က်ယ္ျပန္႔သြား တယ္ဗ်။ က်ေနာ္ ဘယ္ေလာက္ပင္ပန္းပင္ပန္း ေျပာႏိုင္သေလာက္ေျပာမယ္ ရွင္းႏို္င္သေလာက္ ရွင္းမယ္။ ဒါေတြ ေျပာႏိုင္ဖို႔ ေဖာ္ျပဖို႔က မီဒီယာက အဓိကက်တယ္ဗ်။

၁၄ ၾကိမ္ေျမာက္ ေကအန္ယူ ကြန္ဂရက္ က်င္းပျပီးစီး (ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္)ေစာတာမလာေဘာအားဥကၠဌသစ္အျဖစ္ေရြးခ်ယ္တင္ေျမွာက္

NEJ/၁၈ ေအာက္တိုဘာ ၂၀၀၈။ ။

ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားအစည္းအ႐ံုး KNU ၏ ၁၄ႀကိမ္ေျမာက္ကြန္ဂရက္တြင္ (ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္) ေစာတာမလာေဘာအား ဥကၠဌအျဖစ္ ေ႐ြးခ်ယ္တင္ ေျမာက္လိုက္သည္။

KNUစတင္ဖြဲ႔စည္းခ်ိန္မွ ယေန႔အထိ ဥကၠဌ (၇)ဦးရွိျပီျဖစ္သည္။ ၄င္းတုိ႔မွာ ေစာစံဖိုးသင္၊ ေစာဘဦးႀကီး၊ ေစာဟန္တာတာ ေမြး၊ မန္းဘဇန္၊ ေစာဘိုျမ၊ ပဒိုေစာဘသင္စိန္ႏွင့္ ပဒိုေစာတာမလာေဘာ တို႔ျဖစ္သည္။

ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားအစည္းအ႐ံုး KNU ၏ ဒု ဥကၠဌအျဖစ္ ပဒိုေဒးဗစ္သာကေပၚကုိ တင္ေျမွာက္လုိက္ျပီး ကြယ္လြန္သူ ပဒိုမန္းရွာေနရာတြင္ အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမွဳးအျဖစ္ ေနာ္စီဖုိးရာစိန္ကုိ ေရြးခ်ယ္လုိက္သည္။

၁၄ႀကိမ္ေျမာက္ကြန္ဂရက္ကုိ ယခုလ ၆ရက္ေန႔မွ ၁၈ ရက္ေန႔ထိ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးအစည္းအ႐ံုးလက္ေအာက္ခံ ခ႐ိုင္တခုတြင္က်င္းပျခင္းျဖစ္ၿပီး တက္ေရာက္လာသည့္ ဗဟို၊ ခ႐ိုင္မ်ားႏွင့္တပ္မဟာအသီးသီးမွ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားက ဒီမိုကေရစီနည္းျဖင့္ေ႐ြးခ်ယ္တင္ေျမာက္ခဲ့ျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။

KNU ၏၁၄ ႀကိမ္ေျမာက္ကြန္ဂရက္တြင္ ၿပီးခဲ့သည့္သက္တမ္းႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမႉး ပဒိုထူးထူးေလး တင္သြင္းသည့္ လုပ္ငန္းအစီရင္ခံစာကုိ ညီလာခံကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားက ျပန္လွန္သံုးသပ္ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ၾကၿပီး လာမည့္သက္တမ္းအတြက္ ေရွ႕လုပ္ ငန္းစဥ္မ်ား ခ်မွတ္ခဲ့သည္။

ျပည္တြင္းျပည္ပရွိ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားထုအတြင္း သို႔ေလာသို႔ေလာ ေျပာဆိုေနၾကသည့္ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသား ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေစာဘဦးၾကီး ခ်မွတ္ခဲ့သည့္ မူေလးခ်က္ကို ျပင္ဆင္မည့္ကိစၥ၊ ေတြ႕ဆံုေဆြးေႏြးေရး ဆိုင္ရာ သေဘာထားမ်ားႏွင့္ အျခားမူ၀ါဒေရးရာမ်ားအေပၚ ေ၀ဖန္ သုံးသပ္မႈမ်ားႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ ယခု ကြန္ဂရက္ တြင္ KNU အေနျဖင့္ စုစည္းက်စ္လစ္ညီၫြတ္မူကို ပိုမိုတည္ေဆာက္ႏုိင္ခဲ့ၿပီး KNU ဗဟို၏ ဦးေဆာင္မႈ မူ၀ါဒအတိုင္း ေရွ႕လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္မ်ားကို ယခုကြန္ဂရက္တြင္ ခ်မွတ္ႏိုင္ခဲ့သည္ဟု ညီလာခံ တက္ေရာက္ခဲ့ သည့္ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသား အစည္းအ႐ံုး ဖားအံခ႐ိုင္ဥကၠဌ ပဒိုေစာအားတိုးက ေခတ္ၿပိဳင္သို႔ ေျပာၾကား သည္။

ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားအစည္းအရုံးသည္ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေစာဘဦးႀကီး ခ်မွတ္ခဲ့သည့္မူ (၄) ခ်က္ကို ယေန႔အထိ အခိုင္အမာ ကိုင္စြဲထားၿပီး ၎မူေလးခ်က္မွာ -(၁) လက္နက္ခ်စကားအလွ်ဥ္း မေျပာရ။ (၂) ကရင့္လက္နက္ ကရင့္လက္ထဲတြင္ ရွိရမည္။ (၃) ကရင့္ကံၾကမၼာ ကရင္ဖန္တီးမည္။ (၄) ကရင္ျပည္ကို အသိအမွတ္ျပဳျခင္း ၿပီးျပည့္စုံေစရမည္ ဟူသည့္ အခ်က္(၄)ခ်က္ ျဖစ္သည္။ အဆိုပါမူ (၄) ခ်က္အား KNU ဥကၠဌေစာဘဦးႀကီးသည္ ၁၉၅၀ခုႏွစ္ ဇူလိုင္လ (၁၇)ရက္ေန႔မွ (၁၉)ရက္ေန႔အထိ ဖာပြန္ၿမိဳ႕တြင္ က်င္းပေသာ ကရင္ အမ်ိဳးသား ညီလာခံအၿပီးတြင္ ၎အခ်ိန္က ေမာ္ခ်ီးတြင္ရွိသည့္ ေကာ္သူးေလ အသံလြင့္ဌာနမွ ေၾကညာခဲ့သည္။

ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားအစည္းအရုံး KNU ကို ၁၉၄၇ခုႏွစ္ ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီလ ၅ရက္ေန႔တြင္ စတင္ဖြဲ႔စည္းခဲ့သည္။ စတင္ဖြဲ႔စည္းခ်ိန္၌ ပထမဆုံး ဥကၠဌမွာ ေစာစံဖိုးသင္ျဖစ္ၿပီး ထိုစဥ္က အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခဲ့သည့္ ျမန္မာအစိုးရမွ ၁၉၄၉ခုႏွစ္ ဇန္န၀ါရီလ ၃၀ရက္ေန႔တြင္ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားအစည္း အရုံး KNUႏွင့္ ကရင့္ အမ်ိဳးသား ကာကြယ္ေရးတပ္ဖြဲ႔ KNDOကို မတရားအသင္း ေၾကညာခဲ့အၿပီး ၁၉၄၉ခုႏွစ္ ဇန္န၀ါရီလ ၃၁ ရက္ေန႔တြင္ ကရင့္လက္နက္ကိုင္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရး စတင္ျဖစ္ေပၚခဲ့သည္။

ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားအစည္းအရုံး KNU ကြန္ဂရက္ကို ပုံမွန္(၄)ႏွစ္တႀကိမ္ က်င္းပၿပီး စစ္ေရး၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရး အေျခအေနမ်ားအေပၚမူတည္၍လည္း ေျပာင္းလဲက်င္းပမႈမ်ားရွိခဲ့သည္။ ယခုကြန္ဂရက္သည္ (၁၄) ႀကိမ္ေျမာက္ျဖစ္ၿပီး ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားအစည္းအရုံး ဗဟိုမွအရပ္ဘက္၊ စစ္ဘက္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား ၊ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသား လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးတပ္မေတာ္ တပ္မဟာ (၇)ခုမွ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား ဖားအံခရိုင္၊ သထုံခရိုင္၊ ဖာပြန္ ခရိုင္၊ ေညာင္ေလးပင္ခရိုင္၊ ေတာင္ငူခရိုင္၊ ဒူးပလာယာခရိုင္၊ ဘိတ္-ထား၀ယ္ခရိုင္မွ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ား ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသမီးအစည္းအရုံးမွ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားႏွင့္ ေလ့လာသူမ်ား စုံညီစြာ တက္ေရာက္ ခဲ့ၾကသည္။

လာမည့္ရက္ပိုင္းအတြင္း ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားအစည္းအရုံးမွ သတင္းစာရွင္းလင္းပြဲတရပ္ က်င္းပျပဳလုပ္ မည္ဟု သိရွိရသည္။